OPINION — This year, most prognosticators expect that the balance in the Senate will remain extremely tight between the Republicans and Democrats.
After the fall elections, no party is likely to “control” the agenda. Remember the Trump days when the Republicans had the White House, the Senate and the House, yet couldn’t repeal Obamacare?
We have seen that some senators (think McCain, Collins, Manchin, Murkowski, Romney, Sinema) have been willing to buck their party bosses to take principled stands, risk party reelection money and come together on important issues, not caring whether they give the other party a “win.”
Let’s take a recent concrete example, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill. The Republican leaders — including Trump — did not want this bill passed during Biden’s term, even though it would be good for the country and even though they wanted something similar during Trump’s term. But a leadership core that included Republicans Collins, Romney, Portman, Murkowski and Cassidy collaborated and reached a deal with key Democratic leaders. With that leadership core, 19 Republicans ultimately voted for the bill.
Mike Lee was not among the 19, despite the terrific benefits from the bill received by Utah, a state that the American Society of Civil Engineers gave a C+ grade, with serious needs for dams and wastewater treatment facilities.
Why didn’t Senator Lee vote yes? Is he too reliant on Republican-controlled and special interest election money?
I looked carefully through the July Quarterly 2022 report of Friends of Mike Lee, Inc. filed with the Federal Election Commission and found that most of his contributions came through special interest groups, political action committees and partisan sources. Examples:
- Winred: $2,247,353 (fundraising platform for Republicans).
- Club for Growth PAC: $193,475 (far right PAC).
- Senate Conservatives Fund: $141,553 (supports far-right candidates).
- Mike Lee Victory Fund: $459,818 (supported by numerous business interests).
- Red Victory 2022: $102,005 (supported by numerous other business interests).
- Cornyn Victory Committee: $371,388 (joint fundraising committee for Senate Republican campaigns).
And let’s not forget the super PAC that has purchased $2M in attack ads using unreported, unidentified dark money.
How could such plentiful contribution money and support not affect Lee’s future votes?
Evan McMullin, on the other hand, takes no special interest or PAC money for his campaign. All of his contributions come from individuals, and individual contributions are quite small. Evan will not be beholden to anyone.
Why does this matter? Because McMullin won’t have to hew to Mitch McConnell, Chuck Schumer, political action leaders or corporations. He will be free to collaborate with senators across party lines, not having to bend to party wishes. It’s a leveraged dynamic that will make McMullin’s votes sought-after and powerful in bipartisan legislative huddles, much more so than Lee’s.
A Senator, McMullin will be powerful in this closely-split environment. Leaders from both parties will reach out to him, eager to gain his gettable vote. He will be given committee assignments. Senate Rule XXV(4) requires that each senator have at least two committee assignments. He will have effective and meaningful constituent services.
Will everyone in Utah love every vote that Senator McMullin takes? No, but we know that they will come from a man looking purely after the best interests of his state and nation, as he did in his service with the CIA abroad.
And who knows, electing a truly independent senator just might start a nationwide movement.
Call me a Pollyanna, but wouldn’t that be great!
Submitted by DAVE WESTERBY. Westerby is a retired labor and employment lawyer living in Saint George. His passion is to see the Senate return to the great deliberative body it was designed to be, not controlled by a handful of party bosses and their monied supporters.
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